An Open Letter to All Americans

More evidence of why the ONLY solution is to enforce The Plan against the
traitorous Nazi N.W.O. Zionist mass-murder, inside-job perpetrators of 911
and the phoney War on Terror and all the wars of the last century:-

Time is running out:-


An Open Letter to All Americans

(The Elkhorn Manifesto)
The Real Reason the Government Won't Debate
Medical Cannabis and Industrial Hemp Re-legalization

An Open Letter to All Americans
By R. William Davis

Documented Evidence of a Secret Business and Political Alliance
Between the U.S. "Establishment" and the Nazis -
Before, During and After World War II - up to the Present.


Before the Gatewood Galbraith for Governor Campaign in 1991, few Kentuckians
knew that the plant that the federal government had demonized for over 50
years as "Marijuana - Assassin of Youth," was, in fact, Cannabis Hemp, the
most traded commodity in the world until the mid-1800s, and our state's
number one crop, industry, and most important source of revenue, for over
150 years.

Today, thanks to the efforts of pioneer hemp researchers and public
advocates such as Galbraith, Jack Fraizer, Jack Herer, Chris Conrad, Ed
Rosenthal, Don Wirtshafter and others, the federal government's
unjustifiable suppression of our state's right to develop our most valuable
and versatile natural resource, is facing increasing opposition from an
informed public. Hemp is now recognized as the number one agriculturally
renewable raw material in the world, and perhaps the only crop / industry
which can guarantee us industrial and economic independence from the
trans-national corporations.

"Shadow of the Swastika" is a follow-up to my earlier work, "Cannabis Hemp:
the Invisible Prohibition Revealed," which I wrote and published in support
of the Galbraith Campaign. Since publication of that booklet, there has been
growing public acceptance of the evidence that Marijuana Prohibition was
created in 1937, not to protect society from the "evils of the drug
Marijuana," as the Federal government claimed, but as an act of deliberate
economic and industrial sabotage against the re-emerging Industrial Hemp

Previous investigations by hemp researchers have been limited to the
suppression of free-market competition from the hemp industry, and focused
on the activities of three prominent members of America's corporate,
industrial and banking establishment during the mid- to late-1930s:

WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST, the newspaper and magazine tycoon. The expected
rebirth of cannabis hemp as a less expensive source of pulp for paper meant
his millions of acres of prime timberland, and investment in wood pulp
papermaking equipment, would soon be worth much less. In the 1920s, about
the same time as the equipment was developed to economically mass-produce
raw hemp into pulp and fiber for paper, he began the "Reefer Madness" hoax
in his newspaper and magazine publications.

ANDREW MELLON, founder of the Gulf Oil Corporation. He knew that cannabis
hemp was an alternative industrial raw material for the production of
thousands of products, including fuel and plastics, which, if allowed to
compete in the free-market, would threaten the future profits of the oil
companies. As Secretary of the Treasury he created the Federal Bureau of
Narcotics, and appointed his own future nephew-in-law, Harry Anslinger, as
director. Anslinger would later use the sensational, and totally fabricated,
articles published by Hearst, to push the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937 through
Congress, which successfully destroyed the rebirth of the cannabis hemp

A prominent member of one Congressional subcommittee who voted in favor of
this bill was Joseph Guffey of Pennsylvania, an oil tycoon and former
business partner of Andrew Mellon in the Spindletop oil fields in Texas.

THE DU PONT CHEMICAL CORPORATION, which owned the patents on synthetic
petrochemicals and industrial processes that promised billions of dollars in
future profits from the sale of wood pulp paper, lead additives for
gasoline, synthetic fibers and plastics, if hemp could be suppressed. At the
time, Du Pont family influence in both government and the private sector was
unmatched, according to historians and journalists.

This publication, however, reveals documented historical evidence that the
suppression of the hemp industry was only one key part of a much larger
conspiracy in the 1930s, not only by the three corporate interests named
above, but by many others, as well.

Congressional records, FBI reports and investigations by the Justice
Department, during the 1930s and 1940s, have already documented evidence of
this wider plot. A list of the corporations named include DuPont, Standard
Oil, and General Motors, all of which were proven to be conspiring with Nazi
industrial cartels to eliminate competition world-wide and divide among
themselves the Earth's industrial resources and commercial markets, for
profitable exploitation.

This conspiracy succeeded. It is now obvious that this lack of serious
competition in the industrial raw materials market caused our present - and
totally contrived - addiction to petrochemicals. Its success is directly
responsible for the most troubling problems we now face in the 1990s;
serious damage to our environment, concentration of economic and political
power into fewer and fewer hands, and the weakening of the rights of
individuals and states to determine their own futures.

It is more and more evident that, given the historical record, the structure
of the New World Order is being built upon the Foundation of Marijuana
Prohibition, and only the relegalization of free-market hemp competition can
save us.

R. William Davis
July 4, 1996
Louisville, Kentucky


To clearly understand the circumstances which existed during the 1930s and
1940s, and are the subject of this booklet, it would be helpful to first put
the hemp / petrochemical conflict into historical perspective. The events
which took place in the years leading up to World War II were a continuation
of a struggle between agricultural and industrial interests that began
before the American Revolution, a struggle which has yet to be decided, even


The historical record, at least as it has been presented to us in the public
school system, is that the Civil War was fought to end slavery. This is not
the whole story. The truth of the matter is that it was also a clash between
Northern industrialists and Southern agriculturists, over control of the
expansion into the newly opened West.

In 1845, Abraham Lincoln wrote, "I hold it a paramount duty of us in the
free states due to the union of the states, and perhaps to liberty itself,
to let the slavery of other states alone." (1)

Concerning the Western territories, he said "The whole Nation is interested
that the best use shall be made of these territories. We want them for homes
and free white people. This they cannot be, to any considerable extent, if
slavery be planted within them." (2)

Lincoln was caught in the middle between the Northern industrialists and the
Southern agriculturists, who both wanted to dominate Western expansion
because of the wealth it offered. The industrialists knew that the
agriculturists depended on slavery because cotton, upon which Southern
wealth was based, was very labor intensive and required the inexpensive
labor that slavery provided. They knew that if the Western lands were
declared "free states" then the Southern agriculturists would be unable to
compete, and would be forced to leave Western expansion, and its potential
profits, to the Northern industrialists.

Quoting "The Irony of Democracy," by Thomas R. Dye and T. Harmon Zeigler,

"The importance of the Civil War for America's elite structure was the
commanding position that the new industrial capitalists won during the
course of the struggle. . . . The economic transformation of the United
States from an agricultural to an industrial nation reached the crescendo of
a revolution in the second half of the nineteenth century.

"Civil War profits compounded the capital of the industrialists and placed
them in a position to dominate the economic life of the nation. Moreover,
when the Southern planters were removed from the national scene, the
government in Washington became the exclusive domain of the new industrial
leaders." (3)

The Northern industrialists used this increased capital to build the system
of transcontinental railways, linking the Northeast with both the South and
West. The labor for this undertaking was from the Northeastern
Establishment's own source of cheap labor - recently freed slaves and poor
immigrants from Europe and China - who suffered under living conditions
which were often little better than those which existed under the Slave
System just a few years before.
It was during the years between the Civil War and the beginning of the
Twentieth Century that the Northern industrialists altered the role of the
American government. Originally established by the Revolution to protect and
preserve the lives, property and freedoms of all Americans from repressive
government, it was transformed into an agency to protect the economic future
of Northern industrialists.
"[T]he industrial elites," according to Dye and Zeigler, "saw no objection
to legislation if it furthered their success in business. Unrestricted
competition might prove who was the fittest, but as an added precaution to
insure that the industrial capitalists themselves emerged as the fittest,
these new elites also insisted upon government subsidies, patents, tariffs,
loans, and massive giveaways of land and other natural resources." (4)
The struggle between Western farmers and the railroads owned by the Northern
industrialists is a good example. To protect their interests, citizens
created "the Grange," an organization which helped to enact state laws
regulating the "ruthless aggression" of the railroads. In 1877, these laws
were upheld by the Supreme Court in the Munn v. Illinois decision. But, a
few years later, Justice Stephen A. Field changed the role, and the very
definition, of the corporation. He gave a new interpretation to the
Fourteenth Amendment that actually gave corporations legal status as
citizens . . . as artificial persons. (5)
It was not long after this change in the interpretation of the Fourteenth
Amendment that John D. Rockefeller, the father of the modern-day
corporation, created the great Standard Oil Corporation which, by the late
1880s, gained control over 90% of all the oil refineries in America. (6)
The roots of 20th Century American politics can best be illustrated by the
1896 Presidential Election, won by Republican William McKinley by a
landslide. The McKinley campaign was directed by Marcus Alonzo Hanna of
Standard Oil and raised a $16,000,000 campaign fund from wealthy fellow
industrialists, (an amount that was unmatched in Presidential campaigns
until the 1960s). The major theme of the campaign, and one that would echo
far into the future, was "what's good for business is good for the country."
This emerging political and judicial misuse of power in America was feared
by Thomas Jefferson who, in 1787, wrote, "I think our governments will
remain virtuous for many centuries; as long as they remain chiefly
agricultural; and this will be as long as there shall be vacant lands in any
part of America. When they get piled upon one another in large cities as in
Europe they will become corrupt as in Europe." (8)
It is important to remember that the American Revolution was a clash between
the agriculturists in the colonies, and the British industrialists who
controlled the government in England. Almost 100 years later the Civil War
was fought as a continuation of the same basic struggle, but with the
victory going back to the industrialists. This began the erosion of the
American government "of the people, for the people and by the people." The
buying of the 1896 Presidential Election, by Hanna of Standard Oil and the
Northern industrial interests, was the next important step on the long road
to the American government "of the corporation, for the corporation and by
the corporation."
A few years later, World War I would forge an even closer relationship
between corporations and government in the United States, as well as around
the world. Anthony Sampson, in his book "The Arms Bazaar," notes that "the
American companies, led by US Steel and DuPont, were transformed by war
orders. US Steel, which had absorbed Carnegie's old steel company, had made
average annual profits in the four pre-war years of $105 million, while in
the four war years they were $240 million; and DuPont's average profit went
up from $6 million to $58 million. . . .
"Certainly the arms companies had become much richer through the war, and
there were widespread suspicions that they were actually trying to prolong
it." (9)
The bottom line is, of course, victory or profit, and in what proportions?
To what lengths would this nation's top industrial leaders go to secure
their share of the profits before and during the next "war to end all war?"

American Political Tradition, Hofstadter, p. 109. (As reprinted in The Irony
of Democracy, Thomas R. Dye and L. Harmon Zeigler, p. 72)
American Political Tradition, p. 113. (As reprinted in The Irony of
Democracy, p. 72)
Irony of Democracy, p. 73
Ibid., p. 74
Ibid., p. 75
Ibid., p. 76
Ibid., p. 82
Ibid., p. 62
The Arms Bazaar, Anthony Sampson, p. 65


"A clique of U.S. industrialists is hell-bent to bring a fascist state to
supplant our democratic government and is working closely with the fascist
regime in Germany and Italy. I have had plenty of opportunity in my post in
Berlin to witness how close some of our American ruling families are to the
Nazi regime. . . .
"Certain American industrialists had a great deal to do with bringing
fascist regimes into being in both Germany and Italy. They extended aid to
help Fascism occupy the seat of power, and they are helping to keep it
there." - William E. Dodd, U.S. Ambassador to Germany, 1937.(1)

A large volume of documentary evidence exists that reveals that many of the
richest, most powerful men in the United States, and the giant corporations
they controlled, were secretly allied with the Nazis, both before and during
World War II, even after war was declared between Germany and America. This
alliance began with U.S. corporate investment during the reconstruction of
post-World War I Germany in the 1920s and, years later, included financial,
industrial and military aid to the Nazis.
On the pages which follow we will review which prominent Americans and
corporations were involved, what aid and comfort they gave our nation's
enemies - treasonable offenses during time of war, and investigations into
these matters which produced evidence of a US/Nazi corporate conspiracy to
bring a fascist state to America, and eliminate competition in the
industrial raw materials market in order to force world-wide dependence on
oil-based petrochemicals.


Hearst, who was so concerned about the American public's health and safety
on the matter of marijuana use, apparently had no such fears when it came to
Hitler and the Nazis. According to journalist George Seldes:

". . . Hitler had the support of the most widely circulated magazine in
history, 'Readers Digest,' as well as nineteen big-city newspapers and one
of the three great American news agencies, the $220-million Hearst press
". . . William Randolph Hearst, Sr., . . . was the lord of all the press
lords in the United States. The millions who read the Hearst newspapers and
magazines and saw Hearst newsreels in the nation's movie-houses had their
minds poisoned by Hitler propaganda.
"It was . . . disclosed first to President Roosevelt [by Ambassador Dodd]
almost on the day it happened, in September 1934, and it is detailed in the
book 'Ambassador Dodd's Diary,' published in 1941, and again in libel-proof
documents on file in the courts of the state of New York. William E. Dodd,
professor of history [at the University of Chicago], told me about the
Hearst sell-out . . .
"According to Ambassador Dodd, Hearst came to take the waters at Bad Nauheim
in September 1934, and Dodd somehow learned immediately that Hitler had sent
two of his most trusted Nazi propagandists, Hanfstangel and Rosenberg, to
ask Hearst how Nazism could present a better image in the United States.
When Hearst went to Berlin later in the month, he was taken to see Hitler."

Seldes reports that a $400,000 a year deal was struck between Hearst and
Hitler, and signed by Doctor Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi propaganda minister.
"Hearst," continues Seldes, "completely changed the editorial policy of his
nineteen daily newspapers the same month he got the money."
In the court documents filed on behalf of Dan Gillmor, publisher of a
magazine named "Friday," in response to a lawsuit by Hearst, under item 61,
he states: "Promptly after this said visit with Adolf Hitler and the making
of said arrangements. . . said plaintiff, William Randolph Hearst,
instructed all Hearst press correspondents in Germany, including those of
INS [Hearst's International News Service] to report happenings in Germany
only in a friendly' manner. All of such correspondents reporting happenings
in Germany accurately and without friendliness, sympathy and bias for the
actions of the then German government, were transferred elsewhere,
discharged, or forced to resign. . . ."
In the late 1930s, Seldes recounts, when "several sedition indictments [were
brought by] the Department of Justice . . . against a score or two of
Americans, the defendants included an unusually large minority of newspaper
men and women, most of them Hearst employees." (2)


"Thurman Arnold, as assistant district attorney of the United States, his
assistant, Norman Littell, and several Congressional investigations, have
produced incontrovertible evidence that some of our biggest monopolies
entered into secret agreements with the Nazi cartels and divided the world
up among them," states Seldes in his book, "Facts and Fascism," published in
1943. "Most notorious of all was Alcoa, the Mellon-Davis-Duke monopoly which
is largely responsible for the fact America did not have the aluminum with
which to build airplanes before and after Pearl Harbor, while Germany had an
unlimited supply." (3)

Alcoa sabotage of American war production had already cost the U.S. "10,000
fighters or 1,665 bombers," according to Congressman Pierce of Oregon
speaking in May 1941, because of "the effort to protect Alcoa's monopolistic
position. . ."
"If America loses this war," said Secretary of the Interior [Harold] Ickes,
June 26, 1941, "it can thank the Aluminum Corporation of America."
"By its cartel agreement with I.G. Farben, controlled by Hitler," writes
Seldes, "Alcoa sabotaged the aluminum program of the U.S. air force. The
Truman Committee [on National Defense, chaired by then-Senator Harry S.
Truman in 1942] heard testimony that Alcoa's representative, A.H. Bunker,
$1-a-year head of the aluminum section of O.P.M., prevented work on our
$600,000,000 aluminum expansion program." (4)


General Motors is included here because, by 1929, the Du Pont corporation
had acquired controlling interest in, and had interlocking directorships
with, General Motors.
Irenee du Pont, "the most imposing and powerful member of the clan,"
according to biographer and historian Charles Higham, "was obsessed with
Hitler's principles." "He keenly followed the career of the future Fuhrer in
the 1920s, and on September 7, 1926, in a speech to the American Chemical
Society, he advocated a race of supermen, to be achieved by injecting
special drugs into them in boyhood to make their characters to order."
Higham's book on this subject, "Trading with the Enemy: An Expose of the
Nazi-American Money Plot 1933-1949," is highly recommended.
Du Pont's anti-Semitism "matched that of Hitler" and, in 1933, the Du Ponts
"began financing native fascist groups in America . . ." one of which Higham
identifies as the American Liberty League: "a Nazi organization whipping up
hatred of blacks and Jews," and the "love of Hitler.

"Financed . . . to the tune of $500,000 the first year, the Liberty League
had a lavish thirty-one-room office in New York, branches in twenty-six
colleges, and fifteen subsidiary organizations nationwide that distributed
fifty million copies of its Nazi pamphlets. . . .
"The Du Ponts' fascistic behavior was seen in 1936, when Irenee du Pont used
General Motors money to finance the notorious Black Legion. This terrorist
organization had as its purpose the prevention of automobile workers from
unionizing. The members wore hoods and black robes, with skulls and
crossbones. They fire-bombed union meetings, murdered union organizers,
often by beating them to death, and dedicated their lives to destroying Jews
and communists. They linked to the Ku Klux Klan. . . . It was brought out
that at least fifty people, many of them blacks, had been butchered by the
Legion." (5)

Du Pont support of Hitler extended into the very heart of the Nazi war
machine as well, according to Higham, and several other researchers:
"General Motors, under the control of the Du Pont family of Delaware, played
a part in collaboration" with the Nazis.
"Between 1932 and 1939, bosses of General Motors poured $30 million into
I.G. Farben plants . . ." Further, Higham informs us that by "the mid-1930s,
General Motors was committed to full-scale production of trucks, armored
cars, and tanks in Nazi Germany." (6)
Researchers Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, in their book, "Power Inc.,"
describe the Du Pont-GM-Nazi relationship in these terms:

". . . In 1929, [Du Pont-controlled] GM acquired the largest automobile
company in Germany, Adam Opel, A.G. This predestined the subsidiary to
become important to the Nazi war effort. In a heavily documented study
presented to the Senate Subcommittee on Antitrust and Monopoly in February
1974, Bradford C. Snell, an assistant subcommittee counsel, wrote:
"'GM's participation in Germany's preparation for war began in 1935. That
year its Opel subsidiary cooperated with the Reich in locating a new heavy
truck facility at Brandenburg, which military officials advised would be
less vulnerable to enemy air attacks. During the succeeding years, GM
supplied the Wehrmact with Opel "Blitz" trucks from the Brandenburg complex.
For these and other contributions to [the Nazis] wartime preparations, GM's
chief executive for overseas operations [James Mooney] was awarded the Order
of the German Eagle (first class) by Adolf Hitler.'"

Du Pont-GM Nazi collaboration, according to Snell, included the
participation of Standard Oil of New Jersey [now Exxon] in one, very
important arrangement. GM and Standard Oil of New Jersey formed a joint
subsidiary with the giant Nazi chemical cartel, I.G. Farben, named Ethyl
G.m.b.H. [now Ethyl, Inc.] which, according to Snell: "provided the
mechanized German armies with synthetic tetraethyl fuel [leaded gas]. During
1936-39, at the urgent request of Nazi officials who realized that Germany's
scarce petroleum reserves would not satisfy war demands, GM and Exxon joined
with German chemical interests in the erection of the lead-tetraethyl
plants. According to captured German records, these facilities contributed
substantially to the German war effort: 'The fact that since the beginning
of the war we could produce lead-tetraethyl is entirely due to the
circumstances that, shortly before, the Americans [Du Pont, GM and Standard
Oil] had presented us with the production plants complete with experimental
knowledge. Without lead-tetraethyl the present method of warfare would be
unthinkable.'" (7)
At about the same time the Du Ponts were serving the Nazi cause in Germany,
they were involved in a Fascist plot to overthrow the United States
"Along with friends of the Morgan Bank and General Motors," in early 1934,
writes Higham, "certain Du Pont backers financed a coup d'etat that would
overthrow the President with the aid of a $3 million-funded army of
terrorists . . ." The object was to force Roosevelt "to take orders from
businessmen as part of a fascist government or face the alternative of
imprisonment and execution . . ."
Higham reports that "Du Pont men allegedly held an urgent series of meetings
with the Morgans," to choose who would lead this "bizarre conspiracy." "They
finally settled on one of the most popular soldiers in America, General
Smedly Butler of Pennsylvania." Butler was approached by "fascist attorney"
Gerald MacGuire (an official of the American Legion), who attempted to
recruit Butler into the role of an American Hitler.

"Butler was horrified," but played along with MacGuire until, a short time
later, he notified the White House of the plot. Roosevelt considered having
"the leaders of the houses of Morgan and Du Pont" arrested, but feared that
"it would create an unthinkable national crisis in the midst of a depression
and perhaps another Wall Street crash." Roosevelt decided the best way to
defuse the plot was to expose it, and leaked the story to the press.
"The newspapers ran the story of the attempted coup on the front page, but
generally ridiculed it as absurd and preposterous." But an investigation by
the Congressional Committee on Un-American Activities - 74th Congress, first
session, House of Representatives, Investigation of Nazi and other
propaganda - was begun later that same year.
"It was four years," continues Higham, "before the committee dared to
publish its report in a white paper that was marked for 'restricted
circulation.' They were forced to admit that 'certain persons made an
attempt to establish a fascist organization in this country . . . [The]
committee was able to verify all the pertinent statements made by General
Butler.' This admission that the entire plan was deadly in intent was not
accompanied by the imprisonment of anybody. Further investigations disclosed
that over a million people had been guaranteed to join the scheme and that
the arms and munitions necessary would have been supplied by Remington, a Du
Pont subsidiary." (8)

The names of important individuals and groups involved in the conspiracy
were suppressed by the committee, but later revealed by Seldes, Philadelphia
Record reporter Paul French, and Jules Archer, author of the book, "The Plot
to Seize the White House." Included were John W. Davis (attorney for the
J.P. Morgan banking group), Robert Sterling Clark (Wall Street broker and
heir to the Singer sewing machine fortune), William Doyle (American Legion
official), and the American Liberty League (backed by executives from J.P.
Morgan and Co., Rockefeller interests, E.F. Hutton, and Du Pont-controlled
General Motors). (9)

"On November 23, 1937," states Higham, "representatives of General Motors
held a secret meeting in Boston with Baron Manfred von Killinger, who was .
. . in charge of West Coast espionage [for the Nazis], and Baron von
Tipplekirsch, Nazi consul general and Gestapo leader in Boston. This group
signed a joint agreement showing total commitment to the Nazi cause for the
indefinite future. . . ." (10)
Seldes describes the plotters as "the great owners and rulers of America who
planned world domination through political and military Fascism" including
"several leading American industrialists, members of the Congress of the
United States, and representatives of large business and political
organizations . . ."
He obtained the text of the agreement, and published it in his newsletter,
"In Fact," on July 13, 1942. The plan "goes much further than the mere
cartel conspiracies of Big Business of both countries," writes Seldes,
"because it has political clauses and points to a bigger conspiracy of money
and politicians such as helped betray Norway and France and other lands to
the Nazi machine. The most powerful fortress in America is the production
monopolies, but its betrayal would involve, as it did in France, the
participation of some of the most powerful figures of the political as well
as the industrial world." (11)


"On February 27, 1942," according to Higham, "Arnold, with documents stuffed
under his arms, . . . strode into the lion's den of Standard at 30
Rockefeller Plaza. Just behind him were Secretary of the Navy Franklin Knox
and Secretary of the Army Henry L. Stimson." They confronted Standard
official William Farish and "Arnold sharply laid down his charges" that "by
continuing to favor Hitler in rubber deal and patent arrangements," Standard
Oil "had acted against the interests of the American government . . .
suggested a fine of $1.5 million and a consent decree whereby Standard would
turn over for the duration all the patents" in question.
"Farish rejected the proposal on the spot. He pointed out that Standard" was
also selling the U.S. a "high percentage" of the fuel being used by the
Army, Navy, and Air Force "making it possible for America to win the war.
Where would America be without it?"

Blackmail? Yes, says Higham. And effective. Arnold was finally reduced to
asking the oil company official "to what Standard Oil would agree. After
all, there had to be at least token punishment. . . . Arnold, Stimson, and
Knox soon realized they had no power to compare with that of Standard."
The price Standard Oil "agreed" to pay for its crime? A modest fine of a few
thousand dollars divided up among ten defendants. "Farish paid $1,000, or a
quarter of one week's salary, for having betrayed America."
In New Jersey, charges of "criminal conspiracy with the enemy" were filed
against Standard, then "dropped in return for Standard releasing its patents
and paying the modest fine." But Arnold, and his ally, Secretary of the
Interior Harold Ickes, weren't finished with Standard Oil just yet. They
approached Senator Truman, chairman of the Senate Special Committee
Investigating the National Defense Program. "With great enthusiasm Give 'em
Hell Harry embarked on a series of hearings in March 1942, in order to
disclose the truth about Standard."
Between the 26th and the 28th of March, 1942, Arnold "produced documents
showing that Standard and Farben in Germany had literally carved up the
world markets, with oil and chemical monopolies all over the map," according
to Higham. (12)
Mintz and Cohen describe the confrontation:

Continued on website An Open Letter to All Americans

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